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  • Pro-democracy activist dies in detention during hunger strike
    Pro-democracy activist dies in detention during hunger strike

    A pro-democracy activist detained on royal defamation charges has been pronounced dead in custody after suffering a cardiac arrest while she was on a hunger strike to call for judicial system reform and the release of political dissidents.

    Several Thai news outlets reported on Tuesday (14 May) that activist Netiporn Sanesangkhom, also known as Bung Thaluwang, was transferred from the Corrections Hospital to Thammasat Hospital that morning after suffering a cardiac arrest during a hunger strike calling for judicial reform and no more political dissidents to be imprisoned. A postmortem has been called for.

    According to a Thammasat University Hospital statement, Netiporn was administered CPR beginning at 06.23 am at the Corrections Hospital and she was found unconscious and without vital signs upon arrival at Thammasat University Hospital at 9.30 AM. CPR administered continuously for 2 hours before she was pronounced dead at 11.22 am.

    Krissadang Nutcharat, a lawyer from Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), told the media that the initial cause was a heart attack and the actual cause of death will be investigated tomorrow. He said Netiporn previously had physical symptoms such as swelling, abdominal pain and fatigue, as well as insomnia. The medical evaluation suggested that Netiporn was in the process of recovering from the hunger strike as her family requested her to eat. However, she was unable to do so due to the prolonged hunger strike. She was instead given liquid sustenance.

    Netiporn, a 28-year-old activist, began her involvement in political movements with the “Bad Students” group in 2020 before joining the Thaluwang group in 2022. Since attending political activities, she was prosecuted in a total of 7 cases, two of which were under the royal defamation law.

    According to TLHR, she was detained twice. The first time was 3 May 2022, when the court revoked her bail after she conducted a public poll on 8 February 2022 at Siam Paragon concerning royal motorcades. This was the first time she went on a hunger strike before being bailed after her 8th bail request on 4 August 2022.

    The most recent detention resulted from a charge of contempt of court for an incident on 19 October 2023, during which a police officer hit Netiporn with a baton and injured her. On 26 January, she was sentenced to 1 month in prison for the charge. On the same day, the court revoked her bail on the royal defamation charge for the incident on 8 February 2022, claiming that she had violated her bail conditions by participating in a protest on 6 August 2023, where she demanded that Senator and poet Naowarat Pongpaiboon be stripped of his status as National Artist after he abstained during the parliamentary vote to choose a Prime Minister.

    Netiporn had been on the hunger strike since 27 January. It was also reported that Netiporn faced health conditions since the first month of the hunger strike, but insisted on continuing to push her demands. At the time, Netiporn refused any medical treatment, and she also expressed her intention to donate her body to the Faculty of Medicine, Thammasat University.

    Netiporn is one of the two detainees charged under the royal defamation law who died during detention. The first one is Ampon Tangnoppakul, a 64-year-old man who died on 8 May 2012.

    eng editor 3
    14 May 14 2024
    10933 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • Cartoon by Stephff: Nose Udom vs Thai conservatives
    Cartoon by Stephff: Nose Udom vs Thai conservatives

    Cartoon by Stephff: Nose Udom vs Thai conservatives

    eng editor 1
    14 May 14 2024
    10932 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • Man accused of royal defamation over Facebook post about royal aides executed for King Ananda’s murder
    Man accused of royal defamation over Facebook post about royal aides executed for King Ananda’s murder

    A 32-year-old man from Buriram has been accused of royal defamation over a Facebook post about the execution of King Ananda’s secretary and two royal aides convicted for the alleged murder of King Ananda Mahidol.

    Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reported on Friday (10 May) that Pipat Wisetchompol, 32, was summoned to report to the police in Phatthalung’s Khuan Khanun District after a complaint was filed against him by Songchai Niamhom, leader of the ultra-royalist King Protection Group.

    The inquiry officer at Khuan Khanun Provincial Police Station informed Pipat that he was charged with royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act for a Facebook post containing a picture of an incident on 28 March 2023, in which an activist spray-painted protest symbols onto the wall of the Temple of the Emerald Buddha. The post also contained a caption raising questions about accidents and murders and asking “Why did you execute Chit, But, and Chaliao?” alleging that the person responsible is not a good person.

    Chit Singhaseni and But Phattamasarin were two royal aides convicted along with King Ananda’s secretary Chaliao Pathumrot, for being party to the assassination of King Ananda, who was found shot dead in his bedroom in the Grand Palace on 9 June 1946. The three men were sentenced to death and executed by firing squad on 17 February 1955, after their petition for clemency was rejected by King Bhumibol, King Ananda’s younger brother.

    According to the police, Songchai said he was on the way to collect internet fees from his tenants in Khuan Khanun and was looking through his Facebook feed when he remembered a Facebook profile page he has been monitoring because the profile often posts about the monarchy and politics. He then visited the profile and found the post, which he claimed severely defames the late King Bhumibol. He subsequently decided to file a complaint with the police.

    Pipat told TLHR that he has never been to Phatthalung before and does not know Songchai. The trip from Buriram to Phattalung also takes time and money, since he is required to travel by bus from Buriram to Bangkok to board a flight to Songkhla’s Hat Yai district, where he stayed the night before traveling to Khuan Khanun.

    TLHR said that Pipat is the 10th person to be charged with royal defamation after a complaint was filed against them by a member of the King Protection Group. The complaints were filed at several police stations in Phatthalung, Krabi, and Songkhla, while many of the accused do not live in the south of Thailand and are required to spend time and money traveling to attend police and court appointments.

    Songchai has filed royal defamation complaints with the police in Phatthalung and Songkhla against several people over social media posts, including former Move Forward Party MP Amarat Chokepamitkul, a 27-year-old named Nattapon, an intellectually disabled 19-year-old protester named Thiramet, and rapper Kitti Ruangphunglhuang, also known as P9D. He also filed a complaint with the police in Bangkok’s Bang Na District against two noodle vendors for putting up a sign calling for the repeal of the royal defamation law and the release of political prisoners, along with a message about the national budget in front of their shop in January 2023.

    eng editor 1
    14 May 14 2024
    10931 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • Khaosan protesters demand release of political prisoners
    Khaosan protesters demand release of political prisoners

    On Sunday evening (12 May), activists staged a protest near Khaosan Road, one of Bangkok’s famous nightlife districts and tourist landmarks, to demand the release of political prisoners.

    The activists stood for 112 minutes at the roundabout on Ram Buttri Road, part of the Khaosan nightlife district, holding signs calling for the repeal of the royal defamation law and the release of political prisoners. The number 112 refers to the royal defamation law, or Section 112 of the Thai Criminal Code.

    Protesters were also holding sunflowers and pictures of detained activists. Khathatorn Dapom, an activist from the Thalugaz group, and two other protesters were wearing PPE suits spray-painted with messages calling for those held in pre-trial detention to be granted bail.

    According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), some 45 people are now detained on charges relating to political expression. At least 27 are being detained pending trial or appeal. Of these, 18 are detained on a royal defamation charge.

    eng editor 1
    14 May 14 2024
    10930 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • Musician, citizen reporter convicted of royal defamation for singing a song about the monarchy
    Musician, citizen reporter convicted of royal defamation for singing a song about the monarchy

    Musician Chokdee “Alex” Rompruk and citizen reporter Waranya “Nui” Sae-ngo have been found guilty of royal defamation and given a suspended prison sentence of 4 years for singing two songs by the protest band Faiyen during a protest on 23 August 2022.

    Chokdee "Alex" Rompruk (second from left) and Waranya "Nui" Sae-ngo (third from left) with their supporters at the Criminal Court on 9 May. (Photo by Ginger Cat)

    Waranya was arrested on 1 September 2022 and charged for singing two songs by Faiyen called “Lucky to have Thai People” and “Who killed King Rama 8?”, both of which are critical of the monarchy. She was also charged for livestreaming herself singing.

    Chokdee reported to the police on 3 March 2022 after being contacted by the police and told that he was being charged because he was playing guitar while Waranya was singing.

    The complaint against them was filed by Akkhrawut Kraisisombat, a member of the ultra-royalist group Vocational Students Protecting the Institution.

    Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said on Thursday (9 May) that the Ratchadaphisek Criminal Court found Chokdee and Waranya guilty of royal defamation. It also found Waranya guilty of violation of the Computer Crimes Act.

    Chokdee and Waranya were sentenced to 6 years in prison, reduced to 4 years because they confessed. The Court then suspended their sentence for 2 years on the grounds that they expressed remorse and promised not to defame the monarchy again. It noted that the two defendants were not protest leaders, are both working, and have a permanent residence, and took into consideration their family responsibilities and health issues.

    Chokdee and Waranya will be subjected to a 1-year probation period, during which they have to report to a probation officer every 3 months. They are also required to perform at least 24 hours of community service.

    Chokdee is facing another royal defamation charge for singing at another protest on 23 August 2022. Waranya is facing another royal defamation charge for livestreaming while activists conducted a poll on royal motorcades at the Siam Paragon shopping mall on 8 February 2022.

    eng editor 1
    13 May 13 2024
    10929 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • Activist faces jail term for royal defamation over questioning King
    Activist faces jail term for royal defamation over questioning King

    A pro-democracy activist has been sentenced to prison for royal defamation after posting on Facebook a message questioning King Vajiralongkorn.

    Panupong “Mike” Jadnok, a prominent pro-democracy activist, was given a 4-year sentence, reduced to 3 years, after being found guilty under the royal defamation law and the Computer Crime Act. The case stemmed from his 2020 Facebook post that questioned the King during the “People’s Letter” activity (ราษฎรสาส์น), according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights.

    The message stated, “Do you think that when you stand on the ruins of democracy or the corpses of the people, you will be majestic?” Panupong also explicitly named the King in his post.

    The charges were filed by Nangnoi Assawakittikorn, a member of the royalist group Thailand Help Center for Cyberbullying Victims, which has initiated over 1,000 royal defamation cases.

    While he admitted to being the owner of the account, Panupong denied all charges, stating that he wanted to raise a question about the role of the King to help find a way out of a situation where the people were in conflict with the state, and his message did not contain any offensive words.

    The court stated that Panupong’s message was to affirm that the King did so, saying the readers might think that the King was involved in the decay of democracy and the death of people during the COVID-19 pandemic. The message was deemed defamatory towards the dignity of the monarchy. The court also argued that it was not merely raising a question, as Panupong claimed.

    The court ruled that the activist was guilty as charged. His sentence was based on the law with the heavier penalty, in this case the royal defamation law. He was initially sentenced to 4 years in prison, but the sentence was later reduced to 3 years as the defendant gave useful information.

    Panupong failed to appear in court for sentencing, which had been postponed from March 28 after he first failed to appear in court. A warrant was issued for his arrest.

    eng editor 3
    10 May 10 2024
    10928 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • ECT regulations on senate election prevent candidate introductions, spark lawsuits
    ECT regulations on senate election prevent candidate introductions, spark lawsuits

    The Election Commission of Thailand (ECT)’s regulations preventing senate candidates from publicly introducing themselves has led to lawsuits and concerns that it would limit public participation in the election.

    A pamphlet explaining the Senate election process handed out by activists from iLaw and ConForAll at a campaign event on 12 April. (File photo)

    The regulations were published in the Royal Gazette on 26 April and state that senate candidates are allowed to print their profile and photo on up to 2 pages of A4 paper, which may contain only personal information and work experience. They may disseminate the document online, but only to other candidates, and are not allowed to distribute the document in public.

    Candidates are not allowed to introduce themselves on television, radio, or in publications. They are also not allowed to give media interviews and are prohibited from mentioning the monarchy or using “speech that is violent or incite disorder” in their introduction.

    Candidates who work in broadcasting, journalism, advertising, or are performers are not allowed to use their professional skills in their campaigns. Candidates may not assist each other in their campaigns, and must not allow executive board members of political parties, members of parliament, members of local councils, local administrators, or anyone holding a political office or a position in a political party to assist their campaign.

    The ECT also claimed that candidates who put information about themselves onto websites or social media may be violating the regulation.

    After the regulations were published, the legal watchdog NGO iLaw took down the candidate profiles on its senate67.com website. iLaw and its partner organizations have been running a campaign calling for people to run for the Senate and initially opened the website to raise awareness about the election process and encouraging people to declare their intention to run.

    iLaw issued a statement on 27 April saying that, by allowing candidates to introduce themselves only to each other, the ECT is cutting the public out of the Senate election. The regulations are also unclear and create a climate in which candidates are afraid of introducing themselves because they are not sure of what they are allowed to do. Members of the press have also contacted iLaw asking whether they have to take down interviews they had already published of potential candidates, but the ECT has never cleared up these questions. This means that the media are unsure about reporting on the Senate election, depriving the public of access to information and their chance at participation.

    Limitations to candidate introductions would force candidates to seek out other candidates in their district and profession to introduce themselves. They would be prohibited from declaring their political stance and may not find other candidates through online media. This forces candidates to hold their own gatherings outside of the public eye, which could make it easy for deals to be made or bribes exchanged. It could also mean that anyone with influence or a network has an advantage over experts who may be publicly known, and the public would be prevented from participating in the process since they would not know who is running for the Senate.

    Meanwhile, several potential candidates have filed administrative lawsuits for the regulations to be revoked. On 30 April, former Dean of Thammasat University’s Faculty of Law Panat Tasneeyanond, Dr Pairoj Boonsirikamchai, television host Chonlanat Klinsuwan, and singer Sirasak Ittipholpanich filed a lawsuit with the Administrative Court asking for the regulations to be revoked as an excessive infringement of the right to freedom of expression, as a contravention of the intention for the Senate to represent the people, and as creating an excessive burden for candidates.

    Prachatai editor-in-chief Tewarit Maneechai, who has announced his intention to run for the Senate, also filed a lawsuit with the Administrative Court on 28 April calling for the regulations to be revoked because it prevents public participation and infringes on candidates’ freedom to work, particularly for those in journalism and the arts.

    The election observation network We Watch issued an open letter on 2 May criticizing the regulations for being so strict that they create a climate of fear and anxiety for potential candidates, noting that violating the ECT’s regulations carries a prison sentence of up to 1 year, a fine of up to 20,000 baht, or both. Anyone found in violation of the regulations may also be banned from running in an election for 5 years.

    Meanwhile, prohibiting candidates from introducing themselves on public social media prevents public participation, which is unconstitutional since the Constitution requires the government to promote public participation in development, political decision-making, combating corruption and misconduct, and acting as a check and balance against the government. Such a regulation could not only reduce public approval of the new Senate but also damage public trust in the ECT.

    The regulation also obstructs press freedom because it does not give a clear definition of what counts as an introduction. Journalists reporting on the Senate election may choose to self-censor for safety, since they may also face penalties if their reporting is seen as assisting a candidate.

    We Watch called on the ECT to suspend and amend the regulations to make the election free and fair, as well as ensure public participation. The ECT should also set up a procedure to promote public awareness and participation, as well as public inquiry into corruption, and must be open to the opinion of affected citizens and journalists. 

    eng editor 1
    10 May 10 2024
    10927 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • Thai singer indicted for royal defamation
    Thai singer indicted for royal defamation

    Thai singer and TV personality Suthipongse ‘Heart’ Thatphithakkul has been indicted on charges of royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act. The charges were filed against him for Facebook posts he wrote in 2020 criticising the government’s Covid-19 vaccine policy.

    One of the posts said “The medicine of the boss is not selling. The stock is not moving. The lackeys have to come out to help with the marketing (I copied this from someone else) #vaccine monopoly, unless you are really ruthless, cannot be done.”

    The complaint against him was filed in May 2021 by Apiwat Kantong, then a lawyer in the Office of the Prime Minister under Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha. Apiwat said he believed that the “boss” mentioned in the post was a reference to the monarchy, and that the post constitute an offence under the royal defamation law even if Suthipongse copied the message from someone else.

    Suthipongse is among several people facing a royal defamation charge for criticising the government’s Covid-19 vaccine policy during the pandemic. Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, former leader of the now-defunct Future Forward Party and current leader of the Progressive Movement, was charged with royal defamation over an 18 January 2021 Facebook live broadcast, during which he said that the Thai government only bought vaccines from AstraZeneca and Sinovac because it wanted to support Siam BioScience Co. Ltd.

    Siam BioScience was the only company in Thailand licensed to produce the AstraZeneca Covid-19 vaccine. Nikkei Asia reported that King Vajiralongkorn owned all but 2 of the company’s shares.

    Thanathorn was indicted in April 2022. Meanwhile, a court order was issued banning the video.

    Student activists Benja Apan and Parit Chiwarak were charged with royal defamation, violation of the Emergency Decree, the Communicable Diseases Act, and the Sound Amplifier Act for a 25 January 2021 protest at the Srijulsup building, where Siam BioScience’s registered office is located.

    5 students in Lampang were also charged with royal defamation for displaying a banner saying “Budget for monarchy > Covid-19 vaccines.” A student at the Rajabhat University, Chiang Rai, was later charged with royal defamation for posting a picture of the banner onto the Facebook page “Free Youth – CEI.” Police believe that she was involved in hanging the banner near to King Vajiralongkorn’s portrait.

    On 3 March 2021, activist Piyarat Chongthep, now a Move Forward Party MP, was charged with royal defamation for 7 protest signs against the government’s vaccine policy and for posting pictures of the signs.

    A 30-year-old man from Nonthaburi was charged with royal defamation for sharing Facebook posts alleging that Siam BioScience was using taxpayer’s money to produce the vaccines. He was indicted in June 2023. In October 2023, he was found guilty and given a suspended sentence of 1 year and 6 months.

    eng editor 1
    10 May 10 2024
    10926 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • Stand-up comedian faces royal defamation charge over Netflix special
    Stand-up comedian faces royal defamation charge over Netflix special

    A Thai stand-up comedian has been charged with royal defamation for allegedly defamatory references during his recent stand-up comedy performance to the sufficient economy concept, a development approach associated with the late King Bhumibol.

    Udom “Nose” Taepanich, a well-known Thai stand-up comedian, faces a royal defamation charge filed by former Palang Pracharath MP, Pareena Kraikupt, according to a report in The Standard.

    In his Netflix special, Solo Special: Super Soft Power, Udom talked about self-sufficient farming, stating that after spending time with nature, he found it difficult to lead a sufficient life and earn a living solely from farming. He revealed that he did not aspire to live a sufficient life, but rather wanted to be perceived as doing so.

    He also told his audience that they do not have to emulate influencers who seemed to engage in farming because what they actually did was just take photos. In the end, it is actual farmers who do these kinds of agricultural activities. “When I was a child, I was poor enough, no need to pretend to be poor. I just want to have cool air conditioning and a strong internet connection to watch movies all day, and no flies swarming round my eyes. I am a consumer,” he remarked.

    Public opinion has split into two sides. Some agreed that a truly sufficient life does not exist, while some argued that Udom did not actually grasp the approach and looked down on the late King Bhumibol’s self-sufficient economy philosophy.

    On Wednesday, Pareena posted on her Facebook page that she could not tolerate Udom’s attitude towards the country’s highest institution. She also noted that she had already filed a royal defamation complaint against him.

    In 2020, Pareena was stripped of her MP status and banned from political office for life after the Supreme Court ruled that her guilty verdict in a land encroachment case was a serious breach of ethics.  She was later ordered to pay for the by-election to choose her successor.

    Meanwhile, ex-Palang Pracharath Party member and royalist Sonthiya Sawatdee filed a complaint with the Metropolitan Police Bureau, seeking an investigation into whether the content of the show intended to reference the late King’s sufficient economy. The former MP also said that Udom should clarify who the influencer he mentioned was.

    It is reported that Sonthiya previously did the same thing about the Solo 13 Show in 2022, when Udom mentioned the former prime minister Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha. But after the former PM’s term ended, Sonthiya revoked his complaint.

    eng editor 3
    9 May 09 2024
    10925 at http://prachataienglish.com
  • The what, where and how of Children and Youth Councils - another way to promote democracy?
    The what, where and how of Children and Youth Councils - another way to promote democracy?

    Established under the National Child and Youth Development Promotion Act of 2007, Children and Youth Councils let local authorities budget and make development plans for young people around the country. However, as council activities have mostly been determined by adults and state authorities, they have yet to receive much interest from their target stakeholders, Thai youth.

    For years running, young people - high school and college students -  have shown an avid interest in politics. Many have done so by joining groups like ‘Bad Students’, ‘Free Youth’, and United Front of Thammasat and Demonstration to stage protests and exercise their rights - to be free from wearing school uniforms, to be able to choose their own hairstyles, to express support for political reforms and determine Thailand’s future.

    In recent times, some adults have found the demands of youth groups offensive, branding group members political criminals, as can be seen from the endless news reports of prisoners of conscience in Thai jails.

    Given the level of political awareness among Thailand’s youth, how is it that so few know that we have a law stipulating that every locality must have a council where young people can express their views and organise activities?

    Under the law, everyone below the age of 26 is a registered member of an area Children and Youth Council. Each year, these councils receive millions of baht to spend on solving the problems of young people and promoting youth development. As their budget comes from the state, it is difficult for council members to pursue political agendas that lack state sanction, however.

    This report examines the Children and Youth Council in Pathum Thani Province to see whose needs it actually serves.

    Netithon Kophachon (right), President of the Rangsit Municipal Children and Youth Council and Vice President of the Pathum Thani Children and Youth Council and Phannipha Klinsaiyut (left), a community development practitioner who oversees the Rangsit Children and Youth Council (Source: Atitaya Phoemphon)

    Netithon Kophachon, who serves as the president of the Rangsit Municipal Children and Youth Council and vice president of the Pathum Thani Provincial Children and Youth Council, explains that when he first became involved with local youth activities 5 years ago, he didn’t really know what he was doing.  When he was in Grade 10, a friend invited him to join.  He learned by participating in activities. He eventually became an assistant to the Rangsit council president and was later elected president himself.  In early 2022, he became vice president of the provincial council as well.

    Youth councils were not designed as political assemblies. They were created under the Child and Youth Development Promotion Act of 2007, which stipulates that local governments must make plans and allocate funds for the development of young people under their jurisdiction.

    According to the law, youth councils have the same hierarchic structure as local government agencies, with branches at the subdistrict, municipal, district, provincial, capital and national levels. Council governance and budgeting, in turn, comes from local, regional and central authorities, including subdistrict and municipality administrative organisations.  The Department of Children and Youth in the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security, Provincial Shelters for Children and Families, and a number of other youth networks, all help to promote and guide council work.  The goal is to resolve problems and develop policies in support of young people. 

    Because of this top-down oversight, it is difficult for council members to pursue issues which their “minders” disagree with, however.  Serving as advisers, district chiefs and provincial governors indirectly control council agendas.

    In the case of the Rangsit council, it technically consists of all area youth as stipulated by the law.  It is overseen by a much smaller executive committee which is advised, in turn, by the district chief.  Chiefs can appoint other advisors from governmental and non-governmental agencies as they see fit.

    Netithon obtained his positions through democratic means.   He explains that as a result of his work with social movements, he earned the trust of young people who came to participate in the council election and they chose him as president.

    “The election didn’t have a campaign like general elections run by adults. We talked about our achievements and showed what we did. We told them about how our participation benefited young people in the area. Many of the kids who chose me as president had worked together with me for years.  They trusted and voted for me.

    A 22-year-old, Netithon has considerable experience in the Pathum Thani area. He is currently studying Public Administration at Phranakhon Rajabhat University. 

    Reflecting on his time as president, he expressed concern that some members of the working team do not have the courage to express themselves and participate in activities. He also suspects that some just joined the council to get a certificate and don’t really have an interest in the work. 

    “When an adult asks us why less than 10 of the 21 members on the executive committee turn up to participate in council planning and projects … it’s very awkward.”

    Netithon went on to explain that projects hosted at different administrative levels have their own participation targets. At the subdistrict level, for example, the goal is 50 children. At the district and provincial levels, where activities require budget approval, participant numbers are supposed to be higher.

    Municipal activities are budgeted by the Rangsit municipal administration and the Department of Children and Youth. Each year, two or three projects - addressing topics like domestic violence and teen pregnancies - are chosen for funding by participants who vote at annual meetings and divide up the responsibilities amongst themselves. 

    What? A council for children?

    Phannipha Klinsaiyut, a community development practitioner who currently oversees the Rangsit Municipal Children and Youth Council had previously never heard of the councils. People at a district office near her home talked about them but she had no idea what they were. She thinks that half of all young people don’t know either.

    Amina Kase, the manager of Pathum Young Care, a project initiated by educational consulting firm, Influencer – all’s think space, agrees.  In her experience, even many of the active kids who participate in their school student councils don’t know.  Those who do have generally either worked with the council or live in an area where it held activities. As for the rest, she is fairly certain that most would have no clue that they are already council members.

    Children and Youth Council structure

    Membership 
    All children (newborns to 18 years of age) and young adults (from 18 – 25 years old) whose households are registered in a given subdistrict or municipality. 

    Administration 
    An executive committee comprised of a president and a maximum 20 members selected by council members. 

    Budget 
    Provided by the Department of Children and Youth in the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security, local government, and private sector support. 

    Concept 
    Children think, act and lead with adults providing support. 

    Authority and Duties 

    - Coordinate with youth councils at all levels to exchange knowledge and experience in matters affecting youth. 

    - Promote, support and be a centre of learning for local youth on matters related to academics, education, health, sports, employment and culture. 

    - Encourage young people to express opinions, especially on topics affecting children and youth, in accordance with their knowledge and capabilities. 

    - Stage activities to develop the knowledge, capacity and ethics of young people in local communities. 

    - Collect data and suggestions from local youth; evaluate matters affecting local youth on behalf of the district council. 

    - Propose activities to relevant agencies to help area youth develop and overcome problems. 

    - Provide the district council with suggestions on how best to help local youth. 

    - Provide the Committee on State Agency Operations, private firms, and organisations working on children’s issues with suggestions on how to help local youth. 

    - Issue regulations related to council meetings and operations in accordance with the orders of the subdistrict and municipal council executive committees. 

    All above must be undertaken in accordance with National Children and Youth Council of Thailand regulations.

    How does a youth council work?

    Netithon explains that council officers and members meet to propose projects they are interested in doing and then vote on which to do using a Line group. Members can propose new projects or suggest old ones that have been done before.  Selected projects sometimes don’t get approved if the budget is too high, however.  As an example of a successful project, he recalled a project to promote awareness at educational institutions about the dangers of cigarette smoking. 

    According to Phannipha, councils also convene and coordinate with each other after receiving a budget for a specific purpose, like an allocation from the National Health Security Office to organise a project on preventing teenage pregnancy.

    “Some participants asked whether the project could be modified to address violent behaviour among young people, since our area has a lot of problems there. I encourage them to participate, get them to vote. I’m like a sitter who offers advice to make sure that things run according to project plans,” she said.

    Suphacha Phromsorn, Head of the Pathum Thani Shelter for Children and Families (Source: Atitaya Phoemphon)

    Supacha Promsorn, head of the Pathum Thani Shelter for Children and Families, notes that council projects cover a wide range of topics, from workshops to improve public speaking skills through to programmes to develop online businesses for teen mothers. For this latter project, young people planned and implemented the project on their own, even providing teenage mothers with the necessary computer skills training.

    Talking about her work with the council, Amina told us that she mostly participates as a speaker, designing her talks to meet the needs of her audience, not just giving them a lecture. Some of those who participate in her project are council members, school kids, who came together to get budget approval for projects they wanted to implement it in their local area. Council kids have also approached her to obtain budget for training purposes.

    Community participation

    Some have big hopes for youth councils. Chotiwet Uengkliang, chairperson of Social Innovation for Creative Society (SIY Thailand), a private foundation focused on issues affecting the new generation and local administrative organisations, explains that his team is collaborating with ThaiHealth, an NGO that works on public health issues, to develop “model subdistrict administrations that include the participation of youth councils” with 31 local government administrations. 

    Local authorities are interested but the project requires that three groups work together - local politicians, district officials and area youth. The gaps between these groups have to be closed.  The members of the old and new generations have to work together.

    “Local governments are special. Leaders are elected, in part, because they are committed to area youth. Parents are voters.  But young people will be voters in the future.  Many are very active.  They want the power to change things but often their projects meet with resistance from governmental officials, whose work increases while their pay remains the same.”

    According to Chotiwet, the aim is have local governments support the development of youth councils as places where young people can express and discuss their thoughts. In his experience, this support makes it easier for councils to hold activities and coordinate with outside agencies.

    “The key to the project is to get young people to participate in designing policies to solve community problems, to create a local community of the future.”

    Amina at Pathum Young Care explains that her firm has been funding 30 local youth council projects, at around 30-50 thousand baht per project. Project areas cover 9 health-related topics. They include knowledge-sharing activities to help young people implement their own local projects effectively. Pathum Young Care works closely with the council, providing support as well as a babysitting/chaperon team. 

    “With grant support from ThaiHealth, we’ve created a space for Pathum Thani youth to participate in learning activities and develop their local communities. We’ve done a lot of fieldwork in Pathum Thani and recognise that the province still has numerous underfunded schools and a diverse range of people. Some of its children live next to Bangkok, some are kids whose parents work in industrial zone factories, and some still live in agriculture areas … We work within this diversity to create learning exchanges and increase opportunities for area youth as much as possible,” Amina said.

    She prefers programmes where children acquire skills through project-based learning. In one project she did with Grade 5 students, for example, children learned on their own about financial management by doing easy evaluations. At first, she was concerned that they might not be able to do it but the kids thought it was fun and went on to teach friends at other schools as well.

    Despite some notable successes, youth councils have yet to receive much public interest. Netithon and Phannipha agree that an improved public relations campaign is needed to attract more participation from area youth.

    Youth councils in context – are young people really encouraged to participate?

    On another level, people might think that youth councils are little more than forums for letting adults determine the direction of youth development - not really spaces where everything starts from the thoughts children at all. A top-down approach is embedded in the Child and Youth Development Promotion Act, which clearly stipulates that council operations shall follow state guidelines.

    And although councils are supposed to employ democratic methods, the state regularly stops young people from coming together to exercise their democratic right to protest. Laws protect the safety of young people who are encouraged to respect the rights and freedom of others.  But our regulations and rules come from governments illegal formed by coup-makers.

    At every step, every stage, youth councils are under the governance of state officials. As such, councils are not spaces for children to independently use their creativity.

    Perhaps those working with councils at all levels should remember this when thinking about why young people have so little interest in participating their forums.

    eng editor 1
    8 May 08 2024
    10924 at http://prachataienglish.com